Apar GuptaFor decades, an expert consensus has quietly worked to exclude politicians from regulating digital policy — a libertarian attitude that distrusts the state’s heavy hand but hails the feather touch of technocrats. The argument is that this prevents “politicisation” and ensures policy continuity across election cycles. It’s clear now that such a stance is not only unsustainable, but also anti-democratic. In the last five years, the intensive spread of digitisation has turned technology into a mediator of power and access. Online platforms, smartphones, telecommunication networks and data centres are part of the lives of ordinary Indians. As the general elections draw closer, what can political parties offer to voters in their manifestos?
Five years ago, as Indians cast their votes, technology was merely an afterthought. Apart from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), few parties paid significant attention to or offered commentary on it. The BJP highlighted technology as a catalyst for economic and social goals, including enhanced delivery of entitlements and increased farm incomes, but confined its comments on digitisation to boosting gram panchayat connectivity.
In contrast, the INC outlined more ambitious digital rights reforms, addressing access, free expression, and privacy in a dedicated section. Beyond these, five parties stood out: The All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) supported legal reforms for surveillance; the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) vowed to curb obscene social media content; the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) supported expanded CCTV use; and the Samajwadi Party (SP) aimed to expedite the NATGRID mass surveillance programme. If the 2019 manifestos are any measure, political thinking and campaign articulation on how digital technologies impact us today are arid.
As per the latest TRAI data, the number of broadband subscribers in India stood at 904.54 million on December 31, 2023. India also has one of the lowest data rates worldwide. While the BJP may herald this as a victory for its “Digital India” policies, other political parties need to highlight the growth’s inequitable and uneven distribution. It has largely concentrated on urban, male, upper-income groups while large sections of the masses remain deprived of internet connectivity. They may also address the petering growth over the past year in broadband connections and smartphone sales, or the sub-optimal delivery of BharatNet and the PM-WANI schemes of the Union government. This may provide a basis to advance proposals of social justice by digitisation and technology. Here, while state elections, particularly in Rajasthan and Kerala, have seen promises and deliveries of smartphones and mobile internet schemes, the political discourse around the issue remains underdeveloped. Until now, politicians across the spectrum have failed to address the need for universal internet connectivity as a catalyst for social and economic mobility among underprivileged metropolitan and semi-urban voters.
Broadband connectivity’s provision is inextricably linked to its forceful deprivation by the state. Despite the Telecommunications Act of 2023, little has changed in the regulation of internet shutdowns. Over the past five years, authorities have wielded this power over Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur, and Rajasthan. Most orders target mobile internet access, significantly affecting millions of lower-income Indians reliant on smartphones rather than wired desktops. This situation demands that dense policy debates be distilled into mainstream discourse with a careful balancing of state power and irrational claims of national security. Beyond internet access, frontier issues await public discourse: The coercive digitising of public and welfare services; use of free and open source software; mass citizen surveillance; online fear, abuse and hate speech targeting women and minorities; data breaches, predatory loan apps and cyber thefts; and the hoarding of personal data bytechnology platforms.
Many may question the significance of digital technologies in party manifestos, expressing scepticism towards the Indian electorate. In a political landscape dominated by caste, religion, ideology, and the personality of the Prime Minister, the prospect of voters prioritising lofty policy promises seems remote. Yet, a report last year by the Center for Social and Economic Progress (CSEP) on public health found that while voters considered it less crucial than employment, at the same time, “a majority of voters say that the provision of health facilities affects their voting choice to some extent”. Likewise, technologies essential for employment, health, and modern living are becoming increasingly important.
Currently, the Indian voter is not even offered a choice in the matter, leaving aside issues of trust or the ability of a political party to implement its manifesto if it comes to power. This lack of offer by political parties manifests in the lack of a constituency. It feeds a vicious cycle that separates the development of a digital society from its democratic representation. Thus, when broader attacks occur through digital technologies like spyware and censorship, the outcry remains limited to digital rights activists, journalists, and human rights defenders. While no political party will win the next general elections on its technology promises, it is an opportune moment for all of them to offer an alternate digital vision.
This article was originally published in The Indian Express on March 20, 2024.