Apar GuptaEarlier this week, on June 29, a dramatic press release was issued by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MEITY) directing a ban on 59 smartphone applications , many of them web services. This includes TikTok, a popular social media platform; the UC Browser, a preferred web browser for low budget smartphones; and CamScanner, which is used to convert images into shareable documents. In one fell swoop, this singular act of web censorship in India has impacted more people than ever before. Beyond the geopolitical and economic impact of this ban, concerning questions arise as to its legality and the measure’s impact on democratic norms.
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Boycott China: Should India build apps based on its own cultural and political ethos?
As a growing number of Indians consume their news and content online, there are high chances that you are accessing this op-ed on a device with components manufactured in China. This long-standing dominance in computer hardware has now tipped over towards software deployment. Today, there are a growing number of online platforms with roots in China. This trend has not gone unnoticed. Local technology entrepreneurs have been visiting these technology companies in China to understand their growing scale and adoption in global markets, including India. There is a sense of admiration tinged with a hurt sense of national pride.
Feud between Donald Trump and Jack Dorsey can have long-lasting effects on how we consume media in India.
With close to 670 million active internet connections, today more Indians consume media through digital modes. This practically means a content feed based on the social media platform of your choice. It may be Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, TikTok, Share-Chat or even WhatsApp. India has the highest number of users and views on several of these global online platforms. Due to their scale and size, they have faced a recurring debate on social harms and allegations of bias.
Bridging India’s digital divide during COVID-19 requires a comprehensive strategy: Part 1
COVID-19 has forced the world to retreat and the internet has become more integral than ever before. The internet supports people to work from home, take online classes, stay in touch with loved ones, and access essential facilities. These essential facilities include e-payments, e-commerce, videoconferencing, instant messaging, critical information sites, e-medicine, social media, general entertainment, e-governance, etc. It also supports the continuing operation of institutions within government and the judiciary. These manifold applications of the internet convey the urgency for policymakers to support people on the wrong side of the digital divide.
Bridging India’s digital divide during COVID-19 requires a comprehensive strategy: Part 2
Robust internet governance is needed for equity and will support people to negotiate this pandemic as everyday life ports to the internet. Interventions must embed principles of proportionality, transparency and accountability which are centred on progressive constitutional and human rights value systems.
Due to lockdowns and social distancing, Internet usage and resulting traffic has shifted in a manner which diverges from existing network design and concomitant network capacities. This shift in internet usage in terms of total and peak traffic loads caused a surge in the use of high bandwidth low-latency solutions like real time video conferencing apps. This has also been an uptick in the general usage of services like video content services, social networks, live streaming platforms, video gaming, etc.
Privacy concerns during a pandemic
Favouring public order over justice
Last week, the Supreme Court gave its much-awaited judgment on the legality of the telecommunications and Internet shutdown orders in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), in place for more than 160 days now. Given the centrality of the Internet in our lives and the fact that the preceding weeks had seen such shutdowns in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi, the ruling was eagerly awaited across the country. However, in its language, structure and the relief granted, the verdict came across more as one premised on legal centrism than one advancing fundamental rights.
The Data Protection Bill only weakens user rights
In the continuing social churn and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month , is a revolutionary piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending deliberation before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
When privacy was made supreme
The month of August marks a momentous event in the story of our nationhood as we celebrate our independence from colonial rule. The very basis was a constitutional choice, which civil rights lawyer K G Kannabiran put it as the “termination of imposed suzerainty”. Two years ago, this sentiment seemed to be achieved with the historic decision of the Supreme Court in the Puttaswamy Privacy case, in which nine judges unanimously affirmed the fundamental right to privacy. This newspaper reported the apex court’s decision on the front page with the electric headline — Privacy Supreme.
Facial recognition will threaten individual liberty
With rise in crime and insecurity, many are looking towards technological solutions. A predominant application is the widespread installation of CCTV cameras and, more recently, the government’s proposed Automated Facial Recognition System (AFRS). A tender released by the National Crime Records Bureau for the AFRS wants to build a system capable of, “criminal identification, verification and its dissemination among various police organizations and units across the country.” What would a functional AFRS mean for people in a city like New Delhi, where the state government recently commissioned the installation of 1.4 lakh CCTV cameras? How would the integration of CCTV cameras and AFRS work?